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Lindsay Chervinsky: He's just
constitutionally incapable of

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sort of sitting home and writing
books, or reading books, or, you

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know, writing poetry, and being
a farmer. He has to be in the

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action.

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Colleen Shogan: On June 17, 1775
John Quincy Adams and his

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mother, Abigail, climbed up
Penn's Hill near their Braintree

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home to the sound of thunder,
except it wasn't. It was the

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sound of cannon and gunfire from
the Battle of Bunker Hill. The

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seven-year-old Adams had no way
of knowing that he was

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witnessing a rebellion becoming
a revolution, the beginnings of

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a nation that he would one day
lead as its chief diplomat and

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as its president, that
revolution would sweep him

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across the Atlantic to Paris
just a few years later to serve

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as his father's personal
secretary. It was the first of

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many diplomatic posts that would
shape Adams's vision for the

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United States and its place in
the world, but as today's guest,

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Dr. Lindsay Chervinsky, finds
convincing his fellow Americans

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of that vision wasn't always
easy. Adams imagined a future

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that many Americans could not or
refuse to see. So, what can we

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learn from Adams's quest for a
strong and virtuous nation in a

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dangerous world. I'm Colleen
Shogan, and this is In Pursuit,

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a podcast that explores lessons
from America's past to write the

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history of America's future.
Episode Six: John Quincy Adams

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avoids the monsters abroad.
Lindsay Chervinsky. Welcome to

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In Pursuit. John Quincy Adams
had an amazing career. He held

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pretty much every diplomatic
post imaginable. So, when did

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his career in diplomacy begin?

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Lindsay Chervinsky: He was so
unbelievably young, so he really

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comes onto the scene when he's
eight, and his mother, Abigail

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Adams, brings him up to a local
hill to watch the battle of

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Bunker Hill, and it is the first
time that he starts to really

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see the impact of failed
diplomacy war, of course. Just a

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couple of years later, when he
was very young, he went with his

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father to Europe for basically
his first assignment, which was

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to help his father as a
secretary and to help his father

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learn French, and so he started
to have experiences in Paris, in

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France, in London, when he was
not even a teenager.

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Colleen Shogan: So, what did
those early years abroad teach

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John Quincy Adams?

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Lindsay Chervinsky: Well, I
think that he taught him a

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couple of really important
things. The first thing was that

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diplomacy fails. He saw his
father fail at diplomacy, and

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that is a very important lesson
for any diplomat to learn. The

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second was that the United
States was incredibly weak,

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especially early on, and it was
really just a pawn to be used

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between the various different
European empires. And

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critically, I think the second
part of that was that he learned

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that the European empires were
not particularly interested in

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the fate of the United States.
They were interested in using

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the nation if it was beneficial
to them, but they didn't care

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what happened for moral or even
virtuous reasons. Later in his

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career, he becomes the
ambassador to Great Britain. He

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becomes the Secretary of State.
So, how did some of those early

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experiences affect his future
diplomacy, and had conditions

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changed in the United States.
They had a bit, of course. The

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United States continued to grow
in size, it continued to grow in

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its economic power, it was
acquiring more and more land. It

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was a very valuable market for
the European empires, and they

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also bought a lot of goods from
the United States to, for

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example, feed their colonies in
the Caribbean. So it was

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starting to become an economic
player in its own right, but I

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think that those early
experiences were formative for

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John Quincy Adams, because it
made him intensely pragmatic and

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a little bit suspicious of
whatever the Europeans were

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doing, and that's really
important when you're a

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diplomat, because you have to
understand where the other

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person is coming from in order
to find compromise.

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Colleen Shogan: John Quincy
Adams eventually has a speech in

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which he makes a famous
statement in which he says the

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United States does not go abroad
in search of monsters to

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destroy. What does that quote
mean, and what significance does

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that have?

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Well, the context behind the
speech is important, and it's

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actually a really fun scene to
set. He was invited to give the

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July 4th address at Congress. He
was not a congressman at this

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point, he was Secretary of
State, and he wanted to

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demonstrate that he was not
speaking on behalf of the

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administration, so he wore his
Harvard robes to give this

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speech. At the time, there were
a number of wars in Europe, and

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there were also a number of
rebellions in Latin America and

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South America. A number of
republics were declaring their

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independence and trying to throw
off the shackles of Spain, in

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particular, but European.
Powers, there was a question of

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would the United States
recognize those new republics,

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would they interfere in wars in
Europe on behalf of other

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nations who were declaring their
independence, and this speech, I

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think, is probably one of the
most underappreciated or

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misunderstood speeches in
American history, because yes,

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he does that famous line, we
don't go abroad in search of

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monsters to destroy, which is
him saying we are not going to

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insert ourselves in wars that
have nothing to do with us. But

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the next line is super important
too. What he says is that we

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want to be a friend to all
nations, but we cannot enforce

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those principles through
military might, or it will

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corrode our own character, so it
is not an isolationist

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sentiment. It is not saying that
the United States won't engage

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internationally or won't have
friends or allies, but rather we

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can't make other nations be like
us, or that process will destroy

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who we are.

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Who's president during when John
Quincy Adams gives this speech?

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Lindsay Chervinsky: James Monroe
was president. He had the very

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good sense to appoint John
Quincy Adams as Secretary of

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State, and then he even had the
better wisdom to actually let

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him do the job.

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Colleen Shogan: During Monroe's
presidency, we know that there

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is a famous international
doctrine, the Monroe Doctrine.

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Should it have been called the
John Quincy Adams doctrine?

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Lindsay Chervinsky: Yes,
absolutely. I really think it

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should have

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Colleen Shogan: easy to say as
Monroe Doctrine. Exactly,

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Lindsay Chervinsky: Yes, it
really should have been, because

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it was Adams' brainchild, and it
was something that he had been

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talking about and thinking about
for at this point at least a

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decade, and it's actually three
parts. The part most people know

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about is President Monroe's
address to Congress, which, of

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course, is a written address at
this point. President Monroe was

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not going and speaking to
Congress, and it basically laid

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out the principle that the
Western Hemisphere was closed to

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further interference from
European nations. The United

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States wouldn't interfere in
their existing relationships,

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but they wouldn't tolerate any
further colonization, but there

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are two more parts. One is a
letter to Russia that John

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Quincy Adams wrote, basically
telling them to back off, and

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that their interference in South
America, in particular, would

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not be welcome. And the third
piece is a letter to Great

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Britain, and Great Britain had
actually offered to partner with

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the United States to keep Russia
and Spain at bay, and John

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Quincy Adams said no, because he
said it would be more dignified

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to come in as a cock boat in the
wake of a British man of war

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than to agree to be their lesser
partner in this endeavor, so it

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was asserting a sort of
independence and a claim to

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future dominance over the
Western Hemisphere that was very

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forward looking.

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Colleen Shogan: John Quincy
Adams, you know, has this very

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successful career as a diplomat.
He negotiates an end to the War

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of 1812 He's the ambassador to
Great Britain, and then a very

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eventful role as Secretary of
State, and very influential

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role. What makes him want to run
for President of the United

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States?

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Lindsay Chervinsky: Such a great
question. He also, you know, as

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Secretary of State, he had
engineered the purchase of what

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was called the Floridas, which
is Florida into now Louisiana,

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which had long been very
desirable for Americans, I think

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there were a couple of things
that made him want to run for

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president, and I should say he
didn't actually want to run for

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president, he wanted to be
president, because he thought

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campaigning was sort of beneath
him and beneath the office of

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the presidency.

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Colleen Shogan: Did they really
campaign in 1820s Was that what

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they did?

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Lindsay Chervinsky: They
pretended that they didn't, they

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pretended that they had nothing
to do with it, but in reality

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they had these massive campaign
apparatuses that were run by

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their allies. Their wives were
incredibly important, so Louisa

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Catherine Adams was essential.
She threw these parties that

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were basically a way to curry
favor with potential supporters.

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They had newspaper editors who
were on staff or on side with

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their campaign, but they were
supposed to appear as though

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they were disinterested, and
they were being called to

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service. I think Adams wanted to
be president because he was kind

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of what one did. Once you were
Secretary of State, you know, we

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had had, of course, Thomas
Jefferson had become president,

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Madison had become president,
Monroe had become president, and

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so it was the next viable step,
he certainly believed that he

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was more experienced and capable
of anyone else that was running,

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and therefore would be the
better president. His father had

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been president, so I think it
was sort of living up to that

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Adams legacy, and he believed
deeply in the future of the

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union and wanted to do
everything in his power to

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support it. He wins the
presidency, but it's not without

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controversy, correct. So, this
is what is often called the

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corrupt bargain. I think
unfairly so, because it is how

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the Constitution is intended to
work. So, in the election of

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1824 there were a number of
different candidates, none of

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them received enough to win
outright, and so the election

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was thrown to the House.
Representatives, and there were

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basically four viable
candidates. There's Andrew

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Jackson, there was John Quincy
Adams, there was Henry Clay, and

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William Crawford. Now, William
Crawford had had a stroke during

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the campaign and was in ill
health and could not really

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actually serve, so quickly he
was out of the running, and

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Henry Clay had a relatively
small number of votes, so he was

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not going to be a viable
candidate, so it came down to

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Adams and Jackson, and that
meant that Henry Clay had

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enormous influence on what would
happen, because he could

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encourage his supporters to go
to one side or the other. Here's

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where I think the story gets
fuzzy. Henry Clay despised

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Andrew Jackson with every fiber
of his being; he would have

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rather jumped off a bridge than
voted for him or encouraged his

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supporters to vote for him, so
there is absolutely nothing that

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Adams could have offered Clay or
that Jackson could have offered

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Clay to change the outcome.
However, Adams did meet with

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Clay, Clay threw his support to
Adams, and then later Adams made

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Clay his secretary of state, so
it looked like there was this

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backroom deal that had gone on.
Now that allegation ignores both

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the relationship between Clay
and Jackson, but also this was

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what had been done. All previous
presidents had put their rivals

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into the cabinet, so it wasn't
like he was breaking practice or

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disregarding precedent in any
way.

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Colleen Shogan: Is that the
beginning of the early spoils

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system in 1824?

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Lindsay Chervinsky: No, I don't.
I would say that actually

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Jackson is really the beginning
of the spoils system, because

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Jackson, when he came into
office in 1828 he fired pretty

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much everyone that was in office
and put in all of his cronies

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and supporters. Up until that
point, what we refer to as the

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team of rivals cabinet concept,
which, of course, Doris Kearns

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Goodwin made so famous with
Lincoln, that was just what was

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done. You typically took the
leading people in your party and

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you brought them into the
administration as a way to

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strengthen your position, to
make yourself seem stronger,

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because you had the support of
all these people, and to try and

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smooth over any fissures in your
party. It was a way to build a

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coalition.

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Colleen Shogan: So John Quincy
Adams becomes President of the

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United States. What does he
prioritize? What type of agenda

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does he espouse?

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Lindsay Chervinsky: John Quincy
Adams really had a vision for

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how to strengthen the union, and
that was particularly important

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in the 1820s as the country was
expanding rapidly, and you had

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these different regions that
culturally were quite different,

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had very different economic
bases, had very different

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traditions and religions and
education, but they needed each

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other, or at least he believed
that they did, and so he

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embraced what he called the
American system, which would

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support infrastructure at a
national level that would

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increase roads, it would improve
canals, it would improve the

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quality of ports and harbors to
make trade easier, but it also

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had a scientific and educational
component. He supported a

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national university, which is
actually something that both

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Washington and John Adams had
supported as well, and he

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supported a national center for
astronomy. He felt that

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understanding the heavens and
the skies were really important.

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Now, this was sort of roundly
mocked by his opponents as a

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lighthouse of the skies, but it
does show how forward-thinking

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he was about what the nation
could do to support learning and

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education

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Colleen Shogan: But then Jackson
does pass an infrastructure

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bill. Right?

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Lindsay Chervinsky: This is one
of the things that I think is so

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fascinating. Is Adams put all of
these ideas forward and they

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were defeated, and then Jackson
embraced a lot of them, and they

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were supported. It wasn't that
the ideas were flawed or

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problematic, it was that
sometimes you need the right

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political culture, the right
political moment and the right

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person in office to actually
make them happen.

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Colleen Shogan: You talked a
little bit about the astronomy.

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He also is credited with the
Smithsonian. So, John Quincy

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Adams was some people say the
smartest US president that we

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ever had. How were those ideas
received, or did they have to

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have a different moment in time
as well?

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Lindsay Chervinsky: He was, I
think, probably among the

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smartest presidents we've had,
and you know, there's an

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interesting discussion to be had
about whether the smartest

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presidents are always the best
ones. Sometimes John Quincy

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Adams was so smart he couldn't
really deal with other people,

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and you kind of have to do that
as president. He was very

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supportive of the Smithsonian
when he was later in Congress,

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after his time as president, he
was pretty instrumental in

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00:14:22,545 --> 00:14:25,710
getting the bill passed, and
then actually donated a number

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of items and goods for the early
museum. I think that the

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Smithsonian, and actually a
number of his efforts in the

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White House, get at this concept
that it's not enough to have

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shared borders, you have to also
have a shared history and a

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shared culture in order to
sustain a union going forward,

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00:14:43,080 --> 00:14:45,540
in recognition that the country
was going to hit some pretty

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hard times, he could foresee
some of the challenges coming

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down the road, and he thought
that if we had a shared cultural

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00:14:51,555 --> 00:14:54,765
base, a shared educational base,
a shared history, that that

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00:14:54,765 --> 00:14:57,765
might help us survive those
rocky moments,

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Colleen Shogan: And in 1828 of
course. He wants to run again

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for a second term, and he does,
but this time he's defeated by

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his rival, Andrew Jackson.

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Lindsay Chervinsky: Yeah, I
think as early as the end of

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00:15:10,740 --> 00:15:13,950
1826 he knew he was going to
lose, because the country was

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00:15:13,950 --> 00:15:17,790
really moving away from New
England, it was moving away from

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00:15:17,790 --> 00:15:20,880
his version of what it meant to
be a politician. In some ways,

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00:15:20,880 --> 00:15:23,940
he was really the last of the
founders, because he did want to

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00:15:23,940 --> 00:15:27,600
remain above the people. He did
not see himself as a party man.

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00:15:27,600 --> 00:15:30,420
He didn't want to be a party
man. He wanted to be a president

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00:15:30,420 --> 00:15:34,245
for all of the people. He didn't
like to campaign. He didn't like

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00:15:34,245 --> 00:15:37,935
to do those kinds of things. And
the country had gone through

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00:15:37,935 --> 00:15:41,385
enormous changes in those four
years. Many of the states had

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00:15:41,385 --> 00:15:45,525
introduced new suffrage laws
that expanded the vote to most

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00:15:45,525 --> 00:15:48,525
white men. You didn't have to
have property anymore. That

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00:15:48,525 --> 00:15:51,885
meant that there were a huge
influx of voters, especially in

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00:15:51,885 --> 00:15:55,365
the West, and that was important
because they were very resentful

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00:15:55,365 --> 00:15:58,620
of the hold on power that New
Englanders had held for so long,

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00:15:58,620 --> 00:16:01,560
and sort of like the
intellectual elite that Adams

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00:16:01,560 --> 00:16:04,110
embodied, I mean, he was the
intellectual elite. He was

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00:16:04,110 --> 00:16:08,160
brilliant. He had incredible
education and experiences, and a

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00:16:08,160 --> 00:16:12,660
lot of voters scorned that what
they saw as elitism. And so the

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00:16:12,660 --> 00:16:18,090
cultural shift, the actual voter
shift West, and Jackson's

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00:16:18,090 --> 00:16:22,035
persona, of which he was a very,
very appealing - now we would

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00:16:22,035 --> 00:16:25,455
call him a demagogue, but he was
a very appealing character,

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00:16:25,455 --> 00:16:27,915
meant that Adams didn't really
have a chance.

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00:16:27,990 --> 00:16:30,390
Colleen Shogan: But John Quincy
Adams doesn't just pack up his

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00:16:30,390 --> 00:16:33,600
bags and go home. This is what's
really interesting about John

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00:16:33,600 --> 00:16:39,090
Quincy Adams: he recognizes his
electoral defeat, but then he

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00:16:39,090 --> 00:16:44,310
becomes the only president in
American history to run for and

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00:16:44,310 --> 00:16:48,270
have a seat in the House of
Representatives after serving as

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00:16:48,270 --> 00:16:51,405
President of the United States.
What does he do as a member of

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00:16:51,405 --> 00:16:52,095
Congress?

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00:16:52,000 --> 00:16:54,130
Lindsay Chervinsky: He does. I
love this about him. He's just

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00:16:54,130 --> 00:16:57,310
constitutionally incapable of
sort of sitting home and writing

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00:16:57,310 --> 00:17:00,280
books, or reading books, or, you
know, writing poetry and being a

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00:17:00,280 --> 00:17:03,730
farmer, he has to be in the
action, and so his neighbors

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00:17:03,730 --> 00:17:07,600
elect him to Congress. He serves
for 18 years, which is amazing

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00:17:07,600 --> 00:17:11,020
at the end of his life. He also
takes side gigs in that he

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00:17:11,020 --> 00:17:14,890
represents the Amistad case in
front of the Supreme Court. So,

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00:17:14,890 --> 00:17:18,265
these are people who had been
captured into slavery illegally,

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00:17:18,265 --> 00:17:21,805
and he represents them and gets
them their freedom, but he sees

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00:17:21,805 --> 00:17:26,095
his time in Congress as an
opportunity to speak on behalf

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00:17:26,095 --> 00:17:29,065
of his vision for what the
country can be, and to warn

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00:17:29,065 --> 00:17:32,185
against the dangers he sees
coming down the road. He had

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00:17:32,185 --> 00:17:36,715
always been intellectually an
abolitionist, in that he opposed

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00:17:36,715 --> 00:17:40,060
the slave power and the unfair
advantage it brought to the

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00:17:40,060 --> 00:17:43,420
South, in particular, he thought
slavery degraded all that

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00:17:43,420 --> 00:17:46,150
participated in it, but he
hadn't ever really taken a

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00:17:46,150 --> 00:17:50,140
public stand. Once he was in
Congress, he became an ardent,

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00:17:50,140 --> 00:17:53,890
outspoken advocate against
slavery, and, in particular,

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00:17:53,890 --> 00:17:57,040
against the gag rule, which
prevented congressmen from

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00:17:57,040 --> 00:17:59,740
talking about slavery. I mean,
talk about the ultimate

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00:17:59,740 --> 00:18:03,205
violation of the First
Amendment, and he almost

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00:18:03,205 --> 00:18:06,775
single-handedly defeated it. It
took a great deal of time and

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00:18:06,775 --> 00:18:10,255
parliamentary maneuvers, but he
excelled at those things, and

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00:18:10,255 --> 00:18:15,445
Southerners recognized him as
the most impressive and

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00:18:15,445 --> 00:18:18,835
difficult to defeat opponent of
slavery, and that was a couple

329
00:18:18,835 --> 00:18:21,835
of reasons: one, he was so
smart, he was so eloquent, he

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00:18:21,835 --> 00:18:25,120
was so good at using the
maneuvers of Congress to get

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00:18:25,120 --> 00:18:28,690
what he wanted, but his stature
as the son of a president and a

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00:18:28,690 --> 00:18:32,620
former president meant that he
was physically untouchable, and

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00:18:32,620 --> 00:18:36,340
this was very important in the
1840s because there was a

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00:18:36,340 --> 00:18:39,640
fighting and dueling culture in
Congress where southerners

335
00:18:39,640 --> 00:18:44,530
tended to elect people who would
fight on behalf of slavery and

336
00:18:44,530 --> 00:18:47,965
their interests, that meant
caning, so we saw, you know, the

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00:18:47,965 --> 00:18:52,315
caning of Charles Sumner, duels,
fisticuffs, all sorts of

338
00:18:52,315 --> 00:18:55,735
violence, and they would
threaten any northerner who

339
00:18:55,735 --> 00:18:58,825
spoke against slavery. Well,
they couldn't threaten John

340
00:18:58,825 --> 00:19:02,485
Quincy Adams, and he knew it, so
he was effectively untouchable.

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00:19:02,485 --> 00:19:04,975
Colleen Shogan: Do you think he
was better suited as a member of

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00:19:04,975 --> 00:19:07,645
Congress than as President of
the United States?

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00:19:07,645 --> 00:19:10,600
Certainly, at the end of his
life, and I think early in his

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00:19:10,600 --> 00:19:14,710
life he would not have been. I
think he got to the point where

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00:19:14,710 --> 00:19:19,300
he just had no F's left to give,
to use more modern parlance. He

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00:19:19,300 --> 00:19:24,130
didn't have anything to lose,
and he recognized the danger of

347
00:19:24,130 --> 00:19:27,850
a potential civil war. He was
warning against it. He opposed

348
00:19:27,850 --> 00:19:30,970
the Mexican-American war because
he thought it would hasten these

349
00:19:30,970 --> 00:19:34,375
divisions, and so he just laid
it out on the line. And so, I

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00:19:34,375 --> 00:19:36,475
don't think he would have done
that as a young man, because he

351
00:19:36,475 --> 00:19:38,965
would have had this whole career
ahead of him. I think, as

352
00:19:38,965 --> 00:19:42,715
president, he was still trying
to lead on behalf of all of the

353
00:19:42,715 --> 00:19:46,045
American people, and towards the
end of his life, I think his

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00:19:46,045 --> 00:19:51,805
cantankerous nature served him
well as a fly in the ointment,

355
00:19:51,805 --> 00:19:54,325
or as you know, a burr in the
side of the Southerners.

356
00:19:54,325 --> 00:19:56,725
Can you talk a little bit about
his death? I mean, his death is

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00:19:56,770 --> 00:19:57,520
extraordinary.

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00:19:57,519 --> 00:20:00,121
Lindsay Chervinsky: Oh, it's so
unbelievably dramatic, so he was

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00:20:00,180 --> 00:20:03,788
giving a speech on the floor of
the house, which today is the

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00:20:03,847 --> 00:20:07,396
rotunda. If you go into the
rotunda, you can see the plaques

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00:20:07,456 --> 00:20:10,768
on the floor of where the
various desks would have been.

362
00:20:10,827 --> 00:20:14,435
He was giving a speech, and he
had a stroke and collapsed. He

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00:20:14,494 --> 00:20:18,102
was moved into the speaker's
office, which is now, I believe,

364
00:20:18,162 --> 00:20:21,651
the Women's Leadership Lounge.
They still have the original

365
00:20:21,711 --> 00:20:25,319
couch, and you can sit on it.
I'm like, no, no, no, don't sit

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00:20:25,378 --> 00:20:28,454
on the couch. We need to
preserve the couch. So they

367
00:20:28,513 --> 00:20:32,239
moved him to this couch, and he
died, I think, the next day. So

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00:20:32,298 --> 00:20:35,906
he died in Congress. He served
almost his entire life. What I

369
00:20:35,965 --> 00:20:39,574
think is so amazing is when he
died, his desk was a couple of

370
00:20:39,633 --> 00:20:43,241
desks away from Abraham Lincoln,
so his career spans from the

371
00:20:43,300 --> 00:20:46,908
Battle of Bunker Hill to Abraham
Lincoln in Congress. That is

372
00:20:46,967 --> 00:20:50,398
such an incredible scope of
American history, and the fact

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00:20:50,457 --> 00:20:53,829
that he was witness to it and a
part of it is remarkable.

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00:20:51,000 --> 00:20:56,220
Colleen Shogan: Was Lincoln
there when he died? I don't

375
00:20:56,220 --> 00:20:58,890
believe he was in the room, but
I do think he was in Congress

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00:20:58,890 --> 00:21:01,950
when John Quincy Adams
collapsed,

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00:21:04,890 --> 00:21:07,215
Lindsay Chervinsky: So when we
put John Quincy Adams in

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00:21:07,215 --> 00:21:11,235
perspective, he sounds like a
futurist in a way. What can we

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00:21:11,235 --> 00:21:15,285
learn from John Quincy Adams as
Americans today? I think there

380
00:21:15,285 --> 00:21:18,105
are two things we can learn:
one, that it is totally

381
00:21:18,105 --> 00:21:22,095
acceptable to have a vision that
is very forward-looking

382
00:21:22,095 --> 00:21:24,735
futurist, as you said. It turns
out to be quite prescient and

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00:21:24,735 --> 00:21:28,485
brilliant, and just because you
can't achieve it in your life or

384
00:21:28,485 --> 00:21:31,590
in your moment doesn't mean that
it's not right or worth fighting

385
00:21:31,590 --> 00:21:34,650
for, because as we talked about
with infrastructure, the

386
00:21:34,650 --> 00:21:38,400
importance of union, the
importance of rational and

387
00:21:38,400 --> 00:21:41,130
pragmatic international
engagement, these are all

388
00:21:41,130 --> 00:21:45,840
principles that we now celebrate
as Americans, and he was just a

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00:21:45,840 --> 00:21:48,030
little bit ahead of his time.
Doesn't mean he was wrong, it

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00:21:48,030 --> 00:21:51,270
just means that he was moving a
little too fast. The second

391
00:21:51,270 --> 00:21:56,085
piece is he offers a vision for
our engagement in the world that

392
00:21:56,085 --> 00:21:59,625
I think is actually maybe what
we need today, which is that we

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00:21:59,625 --> 00:22:02,745
are not going to go seek out a
ton of foreign wars that have

394
00:22:02,745 --> 00:22:05,655
nothing to do with our political
interests or our national

395
00:22:05,655 --> 00:22:08,955
security, but it's also not
isolationist. It's deeply

396
00:22:08,955 --> 00:22:13,875
pragmatic. It's very supportive
of a intellectual and economic

397
00:22:13,875 --> 00:22:17,310
and emotional participation in
the world. It's important to

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00:22:17,310 --> 00:22:20,970
have allies, especially allies
that share our principles, but

399
00:22:20,970 --> 00:22:24,270
that we can't force people to
have our principles, or it will

400
00:22:24,270 --> 00:22:27,660
destroy us. That is, I think, a
foreign policy that most

401
00:22:27,660 --> 00:22:31,410
Americans agree upon, and it's
one that I think is quite

402
00:22:31,410 --> 00:22:33,150
relevant for the 21st century.

403
00:22:33,150 --> 00:22:34,710
Colleen Shogan: So, you've
already written a book on John

404
00:22:34,710 --> 00:22:38,805
Adams, and you're writing a book
right now on John Quincy Adams.

405
00:22:38,805 --> 00:22:41,985
Why the obsession with the
Adamses, the Adams family?

406
00:22:41,985 --> 00:22:44,115
Lindsay Chervinsky: Yes. Well,
the John Adams book came about

407
00:22:44,115 --> 00:22:46,995
because my first book was on
George Washington, and sort of

408
00:22:46,995 --> 00:22:49,815
all the things he did to create
the presidency. And then I

409
00:22:49,815 --> 00:22:52,245
started thinking about, okay,
well, what happens when you're

410
00:22:52,245 --> 00:22:55,395
not George Washington? How does
the presidency work for anyone

411
00:22:55,395 --> 00:22:58,905
else? And then I was, of course,
very much shaped by january 6.

412
00:22:58,905 --> 00:23:01,710
Then I wanted to have a better
understanding of how the

413
00:23:01,710 --> 00:23:04,470
peaceful transfer of power was
created, and so that's where the

414
00:23:04,470 --> 00:23:08,610
John Adams book came from. And
I've actually long loved John

415
00:23:08,610 --> 00:23:12,480
Quincy Adams. My dog's name is
John Quincy Dog Adams. I wrote

416
00:23:12,480 --> 00:23:15,420
in college on John Quincy Adams,
so this book was, I think, a

417
00:23:15,420 --> 00:23:20,610
long time in coming, and it felt
like a story that I think maybe

418
00:23:20,610 --> 00:23:23,820
needs to be shared in the next
couple of years, and so it felt

419
00:23:23,820 --> 00:23:26,655
like a relevant one. And then,
as I was doing the research, I

420
00:23:26,655 --> 00:23:28,905
was like, oh, I actually need to
write this story now, while I'm

421
00:23:28,905 --> 00:23:31,245
the executive director of the
George Washington Presidential

422
00:23:31,245 --> 00:23:35,685
Library, because John Quincy
Adams explicitly claims the

423
00:23:35,685 --> 00:23:39,195
mantle of being George
Washington's ideological heir.

424
00:23:39,195 --> 00:23:42,555
As president, he offers an
address in which he basically

425
00:23:42,555 --> 00:23:45,825
gives an updated farewell
address, and he talks about

426
00:23:45,825 --> 00:23:49,980
Washington and what Washington
would think in the 1820s that

427
00:23:49,980 --> 00:23:53,070
is, I think, an incredible
legacy for Washington and for

428
00:23:53,070 --> 00:23:56,640
John Quincy Adams, and was a
story that I felt like worked

429
00:23:56,640 --> 00:23:58,050
very well with my day job.

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00:23:58,050 --> 00:24:00,150
Colleen Shogan: Well, that
brings us full circle, really,

431
00:24:00,150 --> 00:24:04,080
from that early phase of the
American presidency, from George

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00:24:04,080 --> 00:24:08,100
Washington to John Quincy Adams.
So, Lindsay Chervinsky, thank

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00:24:08,100 --> 00:24:10,230
you for joining us for In
Pursuit.

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00:24:10,275 --> 00:24:12,405
Lindsay Chervinsky: Thank you so
much for having me

435
00:24:12,405 --> 00:24:14,715
Colleen Shogan: To read Lindsay
Chervinsky's essay on John

436
00:24:14,715 --> 00:24:18,465
Quincy Adams, and to enjoy other
great In Pursuit essays and

437
00:24:18,465 --> 00:24:24,435
podcasts, visit In pursuit.org
in Pursuit with Colleen Shogan

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00:24:24,435 --> 00:24:28,425
is a podcast by More Perfect.
The series is written and

439
00:24:28,425 --> 00:24:34,290
produced by Jim Ambuske. Our
theme music is Kleos by Charlie

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00:24:34,290 --> 00:24:39,990
Ryan. Audio mixing by Curt Dahl
of CD Squared. Please rate and

441
00:24:39,990 --> 00:24:44,790
review the show on your favorite
podcast app and tell us which

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00:24:44,790 --> 00:24:46,320
Americans inspire you.

